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Apogee Consulting Inc

Cost Problems Already for Boeing’s KC-46 Tanker

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When last we checked-in, Russia had submitted a late proposal, leaving the U.S. Air Force with a clear choice between EADS/Airbus and Boeing. Then there was that little procurement integrity kerfuffle, when the Air Force sent sensitive ratings to the wrong bidders. But everybody got through that and by now it should be old news that Boeing won, beating out EADS.

At the time, the Washington Post (link above) reported—

‘… in the end, Boeing won on price,’ said Loren B. Thompson, a defense policy analyst for the Arlington-based Lexington Institute. ‘Price consists of the cost of producing the plane, plus the cost of operating it over 30 years. The Airbus plane is so much bigger and burned over a ton more fuel per flight hour. Multiply that by 179 planes, times 30 years of service life and it becomes very big.’

 

‘These are fixed-price contracts,’ [U.S. Air Force Secretary] Donley said. The decision ‘reflects our efforts to deliver better value to the warfighter . . . in a budget process that we realize is not going to give us more money every year.’

And that seemed to be the end of that. Boeing won on price and was awarded a $35 billion fixed-price-incentive-fee (FPIF) contract for a boatload of aerial tankers. Moreover, according to this Bloomberg report, USAF Secretary Donley promised that, “The U.S. Air Force won’t allow changes to Boeing Co.’s air refueling tanker contract of more than $30 billion without ‘high-level’ review from Pentagon leadership.” The Bloomberg article reported—

Donley said today that he is drafting a memorandum that will spell out Pentagon leaders’ involvement in reviewing any changes to the contract. He also said the Air Force has discussed the issue with Boeing.

Altering the program may increase manufacturing costs, so Boeing has ‘the same interest’ as the Air Force in avoiding changes, Donley told reporters at a roundtable in Washington.

Boeing agreed to perform in accordance with its winning bid. Bloomberg reported—

‘Our commitment is to perform to schedule and on cost and that is what we intend to do,’ William Barksdale, a spokesman for Boeing’s tanker program, said in an e-mailed statement.

Issues are sure to arise, he said, ‘and as they arise, we will work closely with the Air Force to resolve them. We expect minimal contract change activity on this program.’

It looked to all observers that the relationship between Boeing and the USAF was on to a great start.

Hold on. Not so fast there, folks.

In late June, 2011, reports began to emerge that Boeing may have “bought-in” to the competition, intentionally submitting a price that it knew to be lower than its projected costs. Which is perfectly legal and fine—so long as the bidder stays “bought-in” to its prices. DODBuzz (link above) reported, “Boeing believes it could encounter as much as a $300 million cost overrun on its KC-46A tankers, but everyone involved — the company and the Air Force — understand the company will bear that and any other extra costs.”

In mid-July, 2011, articles such as this one reported that, “Boeing has bumped up costs for its $4.4 billion Air Force tanker deal up to the ceiling price of $4.9 billion. The company has to fund 40 percent of the increased costs, and be responsible for 100 percent of any further expenses.”

Another article reported—

Boeing Co's winning bid for the U.S. Air Force's fiercely contested tanker development deal means it likely will show no profit in the program's first phase and shift $600 million in development costs to taxpayers, new government figures showed.

Boeing could be on the hook for $700 million in development costs of its own, according to a compilation of figures provided by the government and a congressional source.

Boeing's below-cost bid for the contract was part of a carefully crafted strategy to deny the deal to Europe's EADS, parent of rival commercial jet builder Airbus SA. …

The Air Force, in a written reply to queries from Reuters, said on Monday that Boeing's target cost had been $3.9 billion to develop the aerial-refueling plane … ‘For every dollar the program costs above target cost of $3.9B, the government pays $0.60 and the contractor pays $0.40, until the total amount paid to Boeing reaches $4.9 billion,’ at which point Boeing assumes all further costs, the service said. Under this formula, taxpayers would pick up $600 million up to the $4.9 billion ceiling. Boeing would cover the other $400 million plus any ceiling overrun. …

Boeing told the Air Force on April 25 that it projected that it would spend more than the ceiling price for the development phase of the contract, Miller said. The ceiling is set at 125 percent of the target cost. Boeing's potential profit under the deal likewise was built in and would have totaled 12.5 percent, or about $500 million, if the target were hit. The company would break even if the development phase is completed at the ceiling.

The Air Force said it was neither improper nor uncommon for a company to bid a development price that is below actual cost in a competition.

The Air Force and Department of Defense ‘will now tightly control’ the program's execution to make sure Boeing delivers on its promises within negotiated cost, schedule and performance baselines, said Miller, the Air Force spokesman.

Yeah, about that “tight control” which is what the Air Force promised Congress and the taxpayers back in April and now promises Congress and the taxpayers yet again, three months later….

Senator McCain thinks the current situation is “completely unacceptable,” according to this report. The Arizona Senator sent Dr. Ashton Carter, Under Secretary of Defense (A,T&L), a letter in which he also stated, “This is gravely wrong and creates an incentive, particularly on very large programs, for contractors to low-ball a contract knowing that the taxpayers will subsidize at least some of the overruns that will be needed to actually complete the work.”

The article reported—

McCain wrote … ‘I can assure you that Congress and taxpayers will find a $600 million subsidy of a low-ball bid by Boeing is something they feel they should not have to pay. Boeing fully understood that up to 60 percent of any cost overrun up to $1 billion over the target cost’ of $3.9 billion ‘would be borne by the taxpayer. On a program that you found to be low-to-moderate risk, the extent of exposure to the taxpayer here appears excessive.’

Dr. Carter, for his part, dismissed concerns about unacceptable cost growth on the nascent aircraft program. According to this Reuters report—

The Pentagon's top weapons buyer dismissed concerns on Friday that Boeing is projecting huge cost overruns in developing a new Air Force refueling tanker, saying it was a fixed-price contract and company losses were ‘not our problem.’

Defense Undersecretary Ashton Carter said Boeing had made a commercial decision to offer a below-cost bid for development of the aircraft in hopes of making up its losses during production of 179 of the aircraft through the 2020s. …

Carter, answering questions about defense procurement at the Brookings Institution think tank on Friday, dismissed reports of Boeing's cost overruns, saying, ‘It's not our problem because it's a fixed-price contract and it was written with ... protections for the taxpayers.’

He said the issue was the value of the contract at its ceiling price.

‘The fact that Boeing decided that it would lose money in the development phase, presumably in the hopes of making money in the production phase, was a decision that they made, and that's not a problem from the Defense Department's point of view,’ Carter added.

Well, we readers know that, in fact, Boeing did not sign a firm, fixed-price contract, as Dr. Carter stated. A FPIP contract is significantly different from a FFP contract, and we would expect Dr. Carter to understand that difference—given his position in DOD’s procurement policy-making hierarchy.

The thing is—and there’s really no way to get away from it—is that Boeing has taken just about everything (monetarily speaking) from the Air Force that it can and, absent requirements changes, is stuck at the FPIF ceiling and now has to perform to that amount. In essence, the company has announced that it’s going to overrun the development phase and will hope to make up the loss during production. Whether or not the Pentagon will permit Boeing to “get well” on the prices of production aircraft remains to be seen.


What is clear, however, is that the company is now (along with Lockheed Martin’s JSF program) now centered in the cross-hairs of Congressional critics and taxpayer advocates. Boeing’s credibility has been undercut and the only way out is to perform on schedule, on budget, and meet technical specifications. We can’t see much incentive for the Air Force to let Boeing slide any further ….


 

DCAA Questions Northrop Grumman’s Math

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A full year ago, in July 2010, we reported that Northrop Grumman had issued a press release in which in announced that it planned to “winddown” shipbuilding at its Avondale, Louisiana shipyard, close two other Louisiana shipyards, and “consolidate” shipbuilding operations between its Louisiana and Mississippi shipyards. We reported Northrop Grumman’s statement that—

The consolidation will reduce future costs, increase efficiency, and address shipbuilding overcapacity. … The company also anticipates that it will incur substantial restructuring and facilities shutdown-related costs including, but not limited to, severance, relocation expense, and asset write-downs. These costs are expected to be allowable expenses under government accounting standards and recoverable in future years under the company's contracts. The company estimates that these restructuring costs will be more than offset by future savings expected to be generated by the consolidation.

At the time, we openly questioned whether the Pentagon would go along with NGC’s plan to pass back its restructuring costs as “allowable expenses”.

A few months later, we noted that NGC had dropped its plans to sell the shipbuilding business, and would instead “spin-off” its maritime business into a new company with separate management. Indeed, that’s what happened and Huntington Ingalls Industries, Inc.—located in Newport News, Virginia—was born.

Recently, Bloomberg reported that DCAA was having trouble buying NGC’s math.

It reported that—

The Pentagon’s audit agency has concluded it can’t verify Northrop Grumman Corp. (NOC)’s assertion that divesting its shipbuilding business and shutting one of its three yards will save the U.S. as much as $600 million.


The Defense Contract Audit Agency in a Feb. 1 audit also concluded that Northrop’s claim for $310 million in federal reimbursement to close the Avondale, Louisiana shipyard is ‘unsupported,’ according to a summary.

In what summary did the Bloomberg journalists find this fascinating tidbit of information? According to the article, it was located in an Appendix of the DOD Inspector General’s recently published Semi-Annual Report to Congress. With that hint, we headed over to Appendix G of the SAR and found a brief recap of DCAA Audit Report No. 01751-2010G17900010, in which the DOD IG reported, “The audit of the contractor’s internal restructuring proposal resulted in $23.5 million of questioned costs relating to proposed labor, severance pay, incentive bonuses, and relocation expenses. Another $284.5 million of proposed costs and the entire $600 million proposed gross savings are considered unsupported.”

Bloomberg followed-up with the U.S. Navy and reported—

‘Ninety-two percent of the claimed shutdown costs were unsupported because the contractor could not provide sufficient evidence of its underlying assumptions,’ said Navy Commander Kathleen Kesler, an agency spokeswoman, in an e-mail. ‘Because these assumptions are integral to the savings computations, the resulting savings calculation could not be adequately evaluated.’ … Huntington and the Navy have not reached agreement on the ‘allowability of proposed restructure costs,’ Navy spokeswoman Captain Catherine Mueller said in an e-mail.

Readers may remember that, in the early 1990’s (during Clinton-era defense industry consolidation), the Pentagon announced that it would pay for “restructuring costs” in order to encourage contractors (notably Lockheed and Martin Marietta) to merge with each other. In order to make the otherwise unallowable restructuring costs allowable, a DOD Contracting Officer had to determine that the business combination would result in overall reduced cost to DOD—or that the combination would preserve a critical defense capability.

In 1994, Congress passed a law that required additional hurdles to be jumped in order to make contractor restructuring costs allowable. These Congressionally mandated hurdles included:

  • The projections of restructuring savings had to be based on “audited cost data”.

  • A senior DOD official had to certify that the projected savings would result in overall reduced costs to DOD.

More hurdles were added by Congress in 1996, including requiring that projected savings had to be at least twice the amount of allowed restructuring costs (unless a critical defense capability was being persevered, in which case savings simply had to exceed costs). All the foregoing requirements were made permanent in 1997.

GAO has issued several audit reports related to claimed DOD savings from contractor combinations. However, its results have not been as quantitatively precise as it would have liked. In one report, GAO stated—

Determining the precise impact of restructuring on specific contract prices requires isolating the impact of these activities from nonrestructuring-related factors, such as changes in business volume, quantities purchased, and accounting practices. DOD, selected business segments, and we were generally not able to isolate the effects of restructuring from those of other factors.

Moreover, GAO noted that, “The regulations do not require contractors to propose or demonstrate savings on individual contracts or use any particular method or approach in estimating restructuring savings.” Because of the varied approaches in estimating restructuring savings taken by the contractors it reviewed, GAO recommended that DCAA tighten its audit guidance related to contractor proposals. GAO reported that DOD nonconcurred with that recommendation.

Quite obviously, we have not seen the NGC proposal(s) related to its business restructuring. That said, we have little doubt that such a murky area as projecting shutdown costs and future contract savings would fare poorly in a DCAA audit that was conducted in the current—shall we say?—difficult environment. We expect that it would be difficult for NGC to submit an “adequate” proposal, and we expect that it would be difficult for DCAA to reach a GAGAS-compliant conclusion regardless of how NGC supported its costs.

Normally, we would expect DCMA to move ahead in negotiating with NGC even with an adverse DCAA audit report—and, apparently, NGC expected the same thing. The Bloomberg article reported—

‘We are working with the Navy and DCAA on the specifics of the restructuring proposal,’ William Glenn, a spokesman for Huntington, said in an e-mail. ‘The cost estimates submitted as well as the savings projections will be further supported through the negotiation process.’

 

The Navy’s Mueller and Huntington’s Glenn said the company is following Pentagon’s acquisition rules in applying for reimbursement of the shutdown costs.

Unfortunately for DCMA, Huntington Ingalls, and NGC, Congress mandated that the costs have to be audited by DCAA. That requirement is going to throw a monkey-wrench into the works—or so it seems to us.


 

Armor Group Dodges Brothel Bullet, Agrees to Quick FCA Settlement

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Brothel

We have had concerns with the FAR contract clause 52.222-50 since its initial promulgation. The clause prohibits trafficking in persons—i.e., it prohibits contractors from using, benefitting from, or participating in the use of slave labor. Period. Which is fine, if that’s all the clause did.

But the clause also prohibits “the procurement of commercial sex acts”.  Further, it defines “commercial sex acts” as “any sex act on account of which anything of value is given or received by any person”. Let’s note that such activities are legal and regulated by the Government in many places, including parts of Nevada as well as parts of Europe.  But you can’t engage in such lawful activities when you are performing on a contract that contains the clause. Moreover, the definition is so loose that simply taking your date out for a dinner might well be construed to be giving or receiving a thing of value.  If one “gets lucky” one might be violating the contract prohibition.

The clause carries with it its own remedies for noncompliance. Those remedies include:

  • Requiring the contractor to remove a contractor employee or employees from the performance of a contract.

  • Requiring the contractor to terminate a subcontract.

  • Suspension of contract payments.

  • Loss of award fee.

  • Termination of the contract for default or cause.

  • Suspension or debarment of the contractor.

Recently, a contractor performing work in Afghanistan ran afoul of this issue. Armor Group North America (AGNA) found itself the defendant in a False Claim Action filed by a qui tam relator (whistleblower) named James Gordon, who was a former employee of AGNA who claimed that he had been retaliated against for bringing concerns about wrongdoing and ethical breaches to the attention of his management. According to this internet report, Mr. Gordon alleged the following—

  • AGNA did not properly staff the Kabul embassy in order to provide the level of security outlined in the company’s contract with the Department of State.

  • AGNA employees were allowed to visit local brothels that were well-known for using trafficked women as employees, in violation of the Trafficking Victims Protection Act.

  • AGNA cut costs by substituting refurbished Iraqi vehicles in place of armored vehicles for transporting goods to and from the Kabul Embassy.

AGNA settled the FCA suit for $7.5 million. According to this Department of Justice press release—

The settlement resolves U.S. claims that in 2007 and 2008, AGNA guards violated the Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPA) by visiting brothels in Kabul, and that AGNA’s management knew about the guards’ activities. The settlement also resolves allegations that AGNA misrepresented the prior work experience of 38 third country national guards it had hired to guard the Embassy, and that AGNA failed to comply with certain Foreign Ownership, Control and Influence mitigation requirements on the embassy contract, and on a separate contract to provide guard services at a Naval Support Facility in Bahrain.

Previously, we have gone on record warning contractors performing international work—especially work in Southwest Asia—regarding the FAR “morals clause” that has been included in many of their contracts. The remedies available to the Government are both severe and wide-ranging. In our view, AGNA “dodged a bullet” by agreeing to a quick settlement with the DOJ. Not only did the company avoid much more severe consequences, but it also removed this salacious story from the insatiable modern news cycle.

Contractors performing international work need to guard against their employees violating the prohibitions of 52.222-50. Contractors need to listen to allegations of wrongdoing and be prepared to show Government investigators that they took those allegations seriously. Although $7.5 million may not seem like a lot of money, we’re sure of at least two things: (1) the company paid more than that amount when attorney fees are included, and (2) that amount could have paid for quite a bit of self-governance processes.

If your company performs international work, you may want to ask yourself how prepared you are to survive similar charges of wrongdoing.

According to the DOJ, Mr. Gordon will receive $1.35 million as his share of the settlement. There was no report as to how much of that amount his attorneys will receive.


 

Former U.S. Army Sergeant Pleads Guilty to Theft of Equipment in Iraq

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On June 28, 2011, the U.S. Department of Justice announced that Robert A. Nelson, age 46, of San Antonio, Texas, had pleaded guilty “to conspiring to steal U.S. Army equipment related to his work as a non-commissioned officer helping to train Iraqi army personnel in Mosul, Iraq, in 2008.” According to the DOJ, Nelson pled to one count of “conspiracy to steal public property”. The DOJ reported that—

Nelson was deployed to Forward Operating Base Diamondback, Iraq, as the non-commissioned officer-in-charge of the Ninewa Operations Command Military Transition Team. This transition team helped train the Iraqi Army units stationed nearby.

While serving in Iraq, Nelson agreed with a U.S. Army translator to steal eight generators from a lot on base that held various pieces of used equipment. Once the generators were taken off the base, the translator arranged for them to be sold on the black market in Iraq. Nelson admitted that he received half of the proceeds of the sales of stolen equipment, with approximately $35,000 of the money being wired to Nelson’s account by the translator’s brother. In total, Nelson admitted receiving approximately $44,830 from this scheme.

One thing we noticed in the foregoing is that this case continues the apparent trend of cutting military folks a break. From the DOJ report, it seems pretty clear that Nelson did quite a bit more than “conspire to steal public property.” In fact, he did participate in the actual theft of military equipment from an Army F.O.B. Regardless, he was allowed to plead to what seems to be a lesser offense.

We first noticed—and complained about—this sort of prosecutorial beneficence in this article about “Captain Mike”—who was convicted of “theft of government property” for stealing nearly $700,000 in “uncirculated bundles of $100 bills”. In contrast, we offer this tale of Kellogg, Brown & Root (KBR) who was sued under the False Claims Act “because it was unable to account for materials paid for” under a subcontract with a Turkish company named Yuksel-Reysas. It seems to us like too many (former) military service people are allowed to plead to lesser charges while contractors get the book thrown at them. But perhaps that’s just our bias showing ….

Former Army Sergeant Nelson faces up to five years in prison plus a fine of up to $250,000. In addition (DOJ reported), Nelson agreed to pay the U.S. Government $44,830—the amount of his unlawful gain.

Finally, DOJ reported that, “The investigation into this conspiracy continues.” So stay tuned for future related news stories

 

Did Boeing Rip-Off US Army on Spare Part Pricing?

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On June 28, 2011, the Project on Government Oversight (POGO) reported that, “taxpayers were massively overcharged in dozens of transactions between the Army and Boeing for helicopter spare parts,” based on a DOD Inspector General audit report that POGO had obtained. The DOD IG report had been issued in redacted (edited) form on the IG website, but POGO had obtained a 154-page unredacted version which it published at this link. POGO reported that—

Overall, for 18 of 24 parts reviewed, the DoD OIG found that the Army should have only paid $10 million instead of the nearly $23 million it paid to Boeing for these parts—overall, taxpayers were overpaying 131.5 percent above “fair and reasonable” prices. The audit says Boeing needs to refund approximately $13 million Boeing overcharged for the 18 parts. Boeing had, as of the issuance of the audit, refunded approximately $1.3 million after the DoD OIG issued the draft version of its report. Boeing also provided a ‘credit’ to the Army for another part for $324,616.

That sounds pretty bad, doesn’t it? If the above paragraph weren’t damning enough, POGO also provided another link to even more examples of “spare parts ripoffs” allegedly perpetrated by Boeing. Examples reported by POGO included—

  • A “straight pin” (NSN 5315-00-823-8682) which the Defense Logistics Agency (DLA) would have charged the Army $0.04 each, but for which Boeing charged the Army $71.01.

  • A “spur gear” used in a Chinook helicopter (NSN not provided) which the DLA would have provided to the Army for $12.51 each, but for which Boeing charged $623.74.

Et cetera, et cetera. As the POGO article summarized—

… in case after case examined by the DoD OIG, the Army was buying parts for much more money from Boeing that DLA already had in its inventory at significantly lower prices. In some cases, Boeing bought parts from DLA (one part of DoD) and resold them at a higher price to the Army (another part of DoD). From 2007 to 2009, Boeing bought $3.1 million in parts from DLA and sold them to the Army for $4.2 million.  ‘[B]ased on the data Boeing provided us, Boeing made a 35 percent profit on the parts that it bought from DLA,’ the audit report states.

Certainly, the POGO report sounded pretty bad. We decided to first review the (redacted) DOD IG report that was intended to be made available to the public, a copy of which we provide here.

The first thing we noticed was that the DOD IG aimed much of its criticism at the Army itself, and not at Boeing. The audit report stated—

AMCOM officials did not effectively use $339.7 million of existing DoD inventory before procuring the same parts from Boeing because DoD had inadequate policies and procedures addressing inventory use. We identified $242.8 million to $277.8 million of excess inventory that AMCOM could use to satisfy CCAD contract requirements.

The DOD IG report continued—

AMCOM officials did not effectively negotiate prices for 18 of 24 high-dollar parts reviewed because neither AMCOM officials nor Boeing officials performed adequate cost or price analyses, and Boeing officials submitted cost or pricing data that were not current, complete, and accurate … . [Because of those lapses] [w]e calculated that Boeing charged the Army about $13 million or 131.5 percent more ($23 million versus $10 million) than fair and reasonable prices for the 18 parts.

The DOD IG audit report also stated—

… AMCOM officials did not use the most cost-effective source of supply for consumable items because DoD had not developed an effective material management strategy. We identified that the Defense Logistics Agency (DLA) had sufficient inventory to satisfy annual contract requirements for 1,635 parts on the follow-on contract, and the Boeing contract price for those items was $8.0 million, or 51.2 percent, higher than the DLA price.

Okay. From the foregoing we can see that Boeing’s conduct was far from perfect and that its actions deserve criticism. But from what we saw, the DOD IG’s target was AMCOM and the findings centered on AMCOM’s ineffective management of its contractor. It seems to us that the POGO allegations treated the DOD IG’s report as if it were a DCAA report—i.e., an audit of Boeing’s contract—instead of being an audit of the Army’s contractor management. In support of our assertion, we noted that the DOD IG’s recommendations for process improvement were largely focused on AMCOM and not on Boeing.

So the real story is not that Boeing “ripped-off” the U.S. Army. No, the real story is that AMCOM didn’t effectively manage Boeing and, more specifically, AMCOM didn’t source—or direct Boeing to source—parts from internal DLA stockpiles, and permitted Boeing to reprocure items at a higher (and completely unnecessary) cost.

That said—and as we noted previously—Boeing’s conduct was apparently far from being above reproach. The unredacted DOD IG report asserted that—

  • Boeing did not use adequate cost or price analysis to establish the reasonableness of proposed subcontractor prices.

  • Boeing’s pricing data was based on low-volume quantities—e.g., quantities of one or two or three items, which were allegedly based on “outdated” historical use data that had “no relationship to the quantities [actually] required or the actual price Boeing negotiated with its subcontractors.” Allegedly, Boeing routinely failed to share pricing/quantity discounts that it obtained from subcontractor negotiations with its customer.

  • For seven parts audited, Boeing’s cost or pricing data allegedly was not accurate, current, or complete—resulting in “defective pricing” for those parts.

As the result of such alleged behavior, the DOD IG concluded that “Boeing charged the Army about $13 million … more than the fair and reasonable prices” for 18 parts audited.

A couple of concluding thoughts on this matter.

First, defective pricing is a serious concern and, where Boeing was subject to the Truth-in-Negotiations Act (TINA) then its AMCOM customer has recourse to obtain unilateral price reductions plus interest on any overpayments. That said, we don’t know all the circumstances. For example, what quantities was Boeing told to bid on? If AMCOM told Boeing to bid on quantities of one or two or three items each, then that’s what Boeing was required to do. And if Boeing had the business acumen to negotiate volume pricing discounts with its subcontractors then (assuming no defective pricing) there was absolutely no requirement for Boeing to pass on those savings. If AMCOM wanted to share in savings Boeing negotiated, then it shouldn’t have awarded a Firm, Fixed-Price (FFP) contract type to Beoing.

Second, we were interested in the DOD IG methodology for determining what prices Boeing should have charged AMCOM. In the unredacted report, the DOD IG states that its methodology was to add 34 percent to Boeing’s actual direct costs incurred, so as to account for “overhead, general and administrative costs, and the negotiated profit rate.” Well. We certainly don’t know Boeing’s business model, but that strikes us as a ludicrously low number. Take away 15 percent for profit and you have 19 percent to cover overhead (including payroll taxes, fringe benefits, facilities and utilities, etc.) and G&A (including allocations from local, sector, and corporate management. We would be very, very surprised to learn that those values represented Boeing’s true indirect cost rates for this effort.

So to conclude, there seems to be quite a bit of blame to throw at the various entities. As the DOD IG did. We didn’t even mention the IG’s criticism of DCMA’s Contractor Purchasing System Review (CPSR) of Boeing’s Philadelphia operation or the fact that one of the recommendations from the IG audit report was that DCMA should categorize Boeing’s purchasing system as “high risk”. And we didn’t get into the IG’s criticism of the Contracting Officer for failing to heed DCAA’s problems with Boeing’s proposal(s).

Glossing over the DOD IG’s questionable methodology, it seems pretty clear that AMCOM did not have much of a clue. Boeing apparently submitted a (partially) defectively priced proposal—either by customer direction or through its own lax procedures. But as usual, the situation was more complex and nuanced that POGO’s “knee-jerk” headline would lead the casual reader to believe.

 


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Newsflash

Effective January 1, 2019, Nick Sanders has been named as Editor of two reference books published by LexisNexis. The first book is Matthew Bender’s Accounting for Government Contracts: The Federal Acquisition Regulation. The second book is Matthew Bender’s Accounting for Government Contracts: The Cost Accounting Standards. Nick replaces Darrell Oyer, who has edited those books for many years.