Court of Appeals Says All CAS-Covered Contracts are Not “Affected” CAS-Covered Contracts
Three
years ago, the Armed Services Board of Contract Appeals (ASBCA)
sustained Lockheed Martin’s protest of a Contracting Officer’s final
decision. In doing so, the Court ruled on whether Lockheed Martin’s
$9.5 billion CPAF contract for F-22 engineering
and manufacturing development (EMD) met the CAS
and FAR definitions of an “affected CAS-covered contract”. This was a critical ruling, because “affected”
contracts must be included in contractors’ cost impact studies when
determining contract costs impacts associated with CAS noncompliances and voluntary accounting
changes.
FAR 30.001 defines the term “affected CAS-covered contract” as
follows—
‘Affected CAS-covered
contract or subcontract’
means a contract or subcontract subject to Cost Accounting Standards
(CAS) rules and regulations for which a contractor or subcontractor—
(1) Used one cost accounting
practice to estimate costs and a changed cost accounting practice to
accumulate and report costs under the contract or subcontract; or
(2) Used a noncompliant
practice for purposes of estimating or accumulating and reporting costs
under the contract or subcontract.
The CAS Administration regulations
at FAR 30.604 and 30.605 require a contractor to submit “information on the estimated overall impact” with respect to the
situations noted above, “on affected CAS-covered contracts and
subcontracts”. The requirements (and the
definition) are repeated in the CAS contract
clauses, notably 52.230-6 (Administration of Cost
Accounting Standards).
Clearly, only affected CAS-covered
contracts, as defined in the regulations, are to
be included in the contractor’s cost impact analysis, whether the
analysis is a “general dollar magnitude proposal” (GDM) or “detailed
cost-impact proposal” (DCI) to the “cognizant Federal Agency official”.
The problem the ASBCA had to resolve was whether Lockheed Martin’s F-22
contract was an “affected” contract, or not.
Although the exact cost impact to the contract was uncertain, including
the contract in the analysis would mean that Lockheed Martin would owe
the Government somewhere between $10 and $15 million.
The
facts—briefly—include a program replan and rebaseline
effort based on the changing Government funding profile (which increased
program costs by more than $1 billion), and a “should-cost” review of
Lockheed Martin’s overhead (which recommended movement of some personnel from indirect to
direct-charging). Lockheed Martin agreed with the recommendation, which was a change to its disclosed cost accounting
practices, and it negotiated program budgets based on those changed cost
accounting practices. The Court was impressed with Lockheed Martin’s
efforts to fully disclose its changes to the Government, noting that the
impacts to the F-22 EMD program were “thoroughly discussed and
negotiated” and that the discussions were “unusually comprehensive”.
The
Government argued that LockMart and its Air Force customer “understood that they were
negotiating a contract change proposal and did not price the equivalent
of a new contract” and therefore the contract was
not completely repriced by the negotiations. Because the contract was
not completely repriced, it was still an “affected” contract for
purposes of calculating the cost impact analysis. The Court was
unimpressed by the Government’s arguments, stating—
The
government contentions are based on superficial, mostly irrelevant
generalizations relating to the intent, scope and technical revisions of
the rephase modifications
and negotiations that miss the point. They do not convincingly and
substantively address the critical issues inherent in the definition of
‘affected contract,’ i.e., what accounting
practices were used in estimating the price of the F-22 contract as rephased. The essential questions are
whether the negotiating parties (LASC and the Air Force) knowingly
repriced the contract using the changed practices rather than the
practices used in pricing the original contract and whether the scope of
that repricing effort was
sufficiently comprehensive to justify a conclusion that the impact of
the changed practices were fully incorporated in the contract price as rephased. … The critical issue is
whether the cost impacts of the changed practices were fully integrated
into the pricing structure for the entire contract as rephased or solely the discrete technical
revisions to the work.
The ASBCA found for Lockheed Martin and the Government appealed to the Court
of Appeals, Federal Circuit.
The Federal Circuit was similarly unimpressed with the Government’s arguments.
For example, the Appellate Court found—
The government
contends that a contract must be an ‘affected contract’ if the
accounting changes were integrated into the contract price and the final
estimated costs were not reduced to compensate for those additional
expenses. However, the Board did not determine that additional
accounting costs were tacked on to the contract estimate; it found that
the parties created a wholly new cost estimate incorporating all of the
additional expenses. Because those costs were consistently estimated and
accrued, the Board concluded that the F-22 contract was not an
‘affected contract.’ Based on the Board’s detailed findings and analysis
of the rephase negotiations
and the rules applicable to changes in accounting practices, we uphold
the Board’s conclusion that the statutory and regulatory provisions
governing ‘affected contracts’ were inapplicable to the rephased F-22 contract.
The
Federal Circuit also dealt with the Government’s contention that the
F-22 Contracting Officer lacked authority to agree
to accept additional contract costs stemming from LockMart’s change in cost accounting practice. The Court wrote—
Because
the PCO properly exercised the author-ity to negotiate and integrate the additional accounting costs
into the modified contract, no adjustment was required under the
relevant regulations, and the DACO’s authority to perform that
adjustment was not necessary.
In addition, the Court noted—
…
the government disputes the
Board’s finding that the Air Force validly agreed to the additional
accounting costs. The government points to the clause in the rephased contract stating that ‘[a]ward of this contract does not
constitute a determination [that Lockheed’s practices are CAS
compliant],’ and reserving
the government’s right to an adjustment if Lockheed’s practices are
ultimately determined to be non-compliant. That clause, however, does
not create a right to an adjustment or demonstrate a disagreement over
contract costs. It merely indicates that the Air Force was not waiving
whatever adjustment rights it may have had.
Because the rephased F-22
contract was not an ‘affected
contract,’ the government
did not have any adjustment rights to retain.
To sum
up, the Appellate Court upheld the ASBCA’s finding that a contract that
has been repriced using the changed cost accounting practices should not
be included in a contractor’s cost impact analysis. Once the
contract’s estimated cost and/or price had been renegotiated to include
the cost impact, it was no longer an “affected contract” and was
properly excluded from the various cost impact analyses negotiated
between the CFAO and the contractor.
This is an important series of
court decisions that should be studied by serious practitioners of the
art of complying with the Federal Cost Accounting Standards.
CWC Assesses “System for Curbing Contract Waste, Fraud, and Abuse”
It’s rarely dull when the Commission on Wartime Contracting in
Iraq and Afghanistan (CWC) holds a hearing. Our past stories have
included—
- “New Report Blasts DOD Management
of Contractors Deployed on the Battlefield”
- “Testimony Blaming Contractor Internal Controls”
- “CWC – Out of Touch with Reality?”
- “DOD Responds to CWC’s Concerns”
On May 24, 2010, the Commission was back at its oversight job,
this time evaluating “the challenges and
issues that confront law-enforcement officials as they attempt to
discover and successfully prosecute fraud in a contingency environment,”
and also hearing about “the work of the Inspectors General for USAID,
State, and Defense” regarding their efforts to combat the unholy trinity
of waste, fraud, and abuse in the Southwest Asia (SWA) theater of
operations. This was a follow-up hearing to one
held in February, 2009.
Co-Chair Shays opened the hearing by saying—
Testimony at that first hearing established
that billions of taxpayer dollars have been lost to waste, fraud, and
abuse. The inspectors general
told us that contributing causes included: … insufficient numbers of
adequately trained contract officers and auditors, poorly written
contracts with haphazard record keeping … as the DoD witness put it, ‘continual exposure to offers of bribes,
gratuities, and kickbacks.’
In
his discussion of fraud, Mr. Shays was careful to be evenhanded. He
said—
Let me emphasize that our outrage is
not directed solely at misbehaving contractor employees. More than a
third of the 477 subjects of open investigations tabulated by the
International Contract Corruption Task Force in May were U.S. government
employees or military personnel. … [Therefore] [w]e are particularly interested in seeing expanded
anti-fraud initiatives and actions, unity of effort among federal
agencies, recognition that many peacetime ways do not work in wartime,
balancing between accelerated contracting and appropriate safeguards,
and greater accountability.
The
first panel included several government investigators. They discussed
various topics, including the International Contract Corruption Task
Force (ICCTF), which is an outgrowth of the National Procurement Fraud Task Force. For example, James Burch (Department of Defense Office of Inspector General, Deputy
Inspector General for Investigations) testified—
Contract
administrators focused primarily on timely mission accomplishment versus
ensuring strict adherence to traditional contract administration
procedures, many of which are designed to reduce the risk of corruption
and abuse. When engaging in contingency contracting, administrators
typically do not consider the risk of increased levels of fraud
resulting from lower levels of oversight, as the mission is to provide
goods and services as promptly as possible. When left unchecked, this
mind set can become pervasive to the extent contract administrators
begin to view oversight responsibilities as unwelcome burdens conflicting with their ability to effectively perform
their duties. This factor has been especially prevalent when exploring
allegations of corruption and abuse related to funds administered via
the Commander’s Emergency Response Program (CERP), which was designed to
fund development of local programs and institutions.
He
also testified that “As of May 1, 2010,
106 DCIS agents (approximately 33% of the DCIS workforce) are involved
in investigating a total of 223 Overseas Contingency Operations (OCO)
cases. The volume of criminal cases has increased by roughly 18 percent
over the past year.”
Mr.
Kevin Perkins (Assistant Director, Criminal
Investigative Division, Federal Bureau of Investigation) testified
that—
Since 2004, the
ICCTF has initiated nearly 700 investigations in Afghanistan, Iraq, and
Kuwait. To date for FY 2010, the ICCTF has 273 pending cases. Only seven
months into the fiscal year, the ICCTF has already generated 80% of the
prior year’s case load. In FY 2009 alone, the ICCTF obtained over $3.3
million in forfeitures/seizures, over $1 million in fines/penalties, and
over $1.1 million in restitution. To date in FY 2010, the ICCTF has
obtained over $47 million in restitution, and $1 million in
forfeitures/seizures.
The CWC also heard from
SIGAR (Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction, which
is a parallel organization to SIGIR, who also provided a representative to testify before the CWC). They heard that “SIGAR currently has 42 pending investigative matters, 57
percent of which are focused primarily on contract and procurement
fraud, 31 percent on corruption, and the remainder on theft of
government property.”
Here is a link to a two-and-a-half-hour long
C-SPAN video of the first Panel.
As
noted above, the second panel was all about the various Inspectors
General. The IG for the USAID testified that the agency had found “poor contract and
program management practices.” He also told the CWC that—
From February 2009 to date, we have issued 12
performance audits with 84 recommendations for USAID improvement and
completed 19 financial audits that identified $206 million in questioned
costs, of which $180 million were sustained. Over the same term, we
opened 43 civil and criminal investigations, closed 17 investigations, effected 10 arrests and 3 convictions, and secured $141 million in
investigative savings and recoveries for the Government.
The
USAID Inspector General also testified that—
We cannot measure the full extent of waste, fraud, and
abuse in Iraq and Afghanistan but can provide information on what we
have found. From 2003 to the present, we have submitted $4.9 billion of
the $17 billion USAID has obligated in Iraq and Afghanistan to
in-country financial audits. These audits questioned $282 million in
costs, or approximately 6 percent of the total audited. Over that
period, we identified an additional $166 million in waste, fraud, and
abuse in USAID’s Iraq and Afghanistan program portfolio in the form of
investigative savings and recoveries.
Last year, the
amount of waste, fraud, and abuse that we identified increased. Thus
far, our FY 2009 investigative leads and referrals have led to $101
million in investigative savings and recoveries—more than all of our
leads and referrals from FY 2003 to 2008 combined. A similar pattern
emerged with our audits, as the percentage of questioned costs arising
from in-country financial audits increased in FY 2009. This increase in
observed waste, fraud, and abuse is primarily associated with a small
number of contracts with a few firms, but some of it may result from the
growing prevalence of contract and program management issues we have
witnessed during our performance audits.
The
Department of State Deputy Inspector General told the CWC that his team
found “an insufficient number of U.S.
Government contracting personnel in the field, which led to weak
oversight and management of programs. This situation is a root cause of
poor ‘ground truth’ monitoring of contractors, incomplete contract
files, and untimely or inadequate review of invoices.”
The
DOD Deputy Inspector General for Auditing told the
CWC about “10 systemic issues related to deficiencies in the contract
management process.” The 10 areas of concern were: “requirements, contract documentation, contract type, source
selection, contract pricing, oversight and surveillance, inherently
governmental functions, property accountability, award fees, and
financial management.”
Here is a link to a two-and-a-half-hour long C-SPAN video of the second Panel.
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Bagram Airbase: Hub of U.S. Influence or Den of Iniquity?
We have
previously noted a rash of corruption by
Government officials, both military and civilian, in Southwest Asia. To be sure, it takes two to tango—and for every corrupt
Government official there is a corrupt contractor or wannabe
contractor—but the shenanigans over at Bagram Airfield caught our attention. We perceive an inequitable distribution of iniquity, with Bagram seemingly receiving more than its
fair share of noteworthy corruption stories.
Bagram Airfield, as described by this article on Wikipedia, is a “militarized airport and housing complex”
that was once an important Soviet military base and is now an important
U.S. military base. Home of the Theater Internment Facility, the
Airfield also has two runways, three hangars, and numerous support
buildings. In addition, Wikipedia states that “there are more than 32
acres of ramp space and five aircraft dispersal areas, with a total of
over 110 revetments.” Secured by British and U.S. forces in December 2001, the
Airfield has grown from housing roughly 350 troops
to now housing at least 20,000 personnel. Though focused on supporting
air force missions, the base is run by a two-star Army General.
Bagram Airfield is
noted for, among other things, being home to Bagram Theater Internment Facility, the Heathe Craig Joint Theater Hospital, and a second internment
facility that nobody discusses. However, Bagram is becoming noted for other things as well, such as traffic jams, sexual
assaults by military personnel and general
corruption. As of the
date of this writing, the Wikipedia article on Bagram includes three links to stories of corruption at Bagram (unrelated to allegations of
prisoner abuse at the internment facilities). We
noted one of the stories in a prior article—here.
Is Bagram just another military base, with the number of corrupt
fraudsters simply in proportion to its overall population? Or is it
something more—perhaps a poster child for failed leadership and
ineffective oversight and missing controls. Time may tell, but until
then all we have are news stories and press releases from the Department
of Justice, like this one.
On June 9, 2010, the DoJ announced that “two military
officials, two contractors, and [a] contracting company” were indicted
for “alleged roles in bribery and money laundering” related to “award of
a DOD trucking services contract in Afghanistan.” The two military
officials involved—retired U.S. Army Sergeant Charles Finch (now
residing in Hawaii) and 1st Sgt. Gary
Canteen (of Delaware)—were assigned to Bagram Airfield at the time.
The DOJ
press release reported that—
According to an indictment … retired U.S. Army Sgt. Charles O. Finch … accepted a $50,000 bribe in the fall of 2004 to influence the
award of a DOD trucking contract to AZ Corporation, an Afghan
contracting company. The indictment alleges that the owners of AZ
Corporation, brothers Assad John Ramin, 40, and Tahir Ramin,
32, both of Pennsylvania, offered the bribe to Finch. According to the
indictment, the bribe was paid through the business account of Finch’s
roommate at Bagram, 1st Sgt. Gary M. Canteen … to disguise the nature and source of the payment. Canteen
allegedly passed on a portion of the funds to Finch. According to the
indictment, shortly after the money was delivered to Canteen, Finch
recommended the award of the contract to AZ Corporation, which was
awarded the contract.
Finch, John Ramin, Tahir Ramin and AZ Corporation are each charged
with one count of conspiracy to commit bribery, one count of bribery,
one count of conspiracy to launder money and one count of money
laundering. Canteen is charged with one count of conspiracy to commit
bribery, one count of conspiracy to launder money and one count of money
laundering.
Each individual faces a maximum sentence of 15 years in prison
and a fine of $250,000 or three times the value of the bribe for the
bribery charge; a maximum of five years in prison and a fine of $250,000
for the bribery conspiracy charge; and a maximum of 20 years in prison
and a fine of $500,000 or twice the value of the laundered funds for
each of the money laundering and money laundering conspiracy charges. AZ
Corporation faces a fine of up to $500,000 for the bribery and
conspiracy charges and $500,000 for the money laundering and money
laundering conspiracy charges. The maximum fine could be increased to
twice the gain derived from the crimes or twice the loss suffered by the
victims of the crimes if either of those amounts is greater than the
statutory maximum fine.
You may
have heard of the contractor—AZ Corporation—before. The DoJ announcement notes—
John Ramin, Tahir Ramin and AZ Corporation were also charged in August 2008 and June
2009 … with bribery,
conspiracy to commit bribery and mail fraud related to the procurement
and delivery of concrete bunkers and barriers at Bagram Airfield. John Ramin, Tahir Ramin and AZ Corporation are scheduled to begin trial on these
charges on Aug. 16, 2010. Three former military officials have pleaded
guilty … to receiving bribes
from the Ramins and AZ
Corporation.
“Inherently Governmental”
On March 31, 2010, the Office of Federal Procurement Policy
(OFPP) issued a “notice of proposed policy
letter … to provide guidance to Executive Departments and agencies on
circumstances when work must be reserved for performance by Federal
government employees.” Comments on the proposed
policy letter were due June 1. The OFPP notice
referenced a March 4, 2009 Presidential Memorandum that requires the OMB “to clarify when governmental
outsourcing of services is, and is not, appropriate ….” The OFPP notice
also referenced § 321 of the FY 2009
National Defense Appropriation Act (Pub. Law
110-417), which required OMB to—
(i)
create a single definition for the term ``inherently governmental
function'' that addresses any deficiencies in the existing definitions
and reasonably applies to all agencies; (ii) establish criteria to be
used by agencies to identify ``critical'' functions and positions that
should only be performed by federal employees; and (iii) provide
guidance to improve internal agency management of functions that are
inherently governmental or critical.
According
to this story (written by Robert Brodsky)
at GovExec.com—
The notice also instructs
officials to avoid an overreliance on contractors for functions that are
‘closely associated with
inherently governmental’ or
that are ‘critical’ for the agency's mission. Agencies
with more than 100 employees would be required to develop new procedures
and training and to designate a senior official accountable for
implementing the changes.
The
proposal spells out 20 examples of inherently governmental activities
including awarding and administering contracts, determining budget
priorities and hiring or firing federal employees.
OFPP also would create a test to determine if
other functions meet the definition of inherently governmental. Agencies
would be asked to evaluate whether the function would commit the
government to a course of action or if sovereign power is involved.
The document lists 19 examples of functions
closely associated with inherently governmental work that require
additional oversight but which are not statutorily prohibited from
outsourcing. They include evaluating another contractor's performance,
assisting in contract management and any situation that might permit
access to confidential business information.
If an agency wants to use a contractor for any of these
functions, it must first establish guidelines in the contract regarding
specified ranges of acceptable decisions; assign an adequate number of
qualified federal employees to administer the work and take steps to
mitigate conflicts of interest, the policy letter states.
The guidance also requires greater supervision
of ‘critical’ functions, which are defined as jobs in
which at least a portion of the work ‘must be reserved to federal employees in order to ensure the
agency has sufficient internal capability to effectively perform and
maintain control of its mission and operations.’
Finally, we should note that FAR 7.5 addresses this topic by providing
“policies and procedures to ensure that inherently governmental
functions are not performed by contractors.”
So now that we have some background, let’s look at some of the
comments OFPP received. As Mr. Brodsky noted in his recent article at GovExec.com, “more than 100 individuals and organizations …
offered public comments” on the proposed
rule changes. As the article reported, “little consensus” was evidenced
by the comments.
We’re not going to recap the
comments; they can be found at the link above. But here are a few choice ones to give you some of the flavor—
- OMB Watch, a “nonprofit research and advocacy
organization,” teamed with CREDO Action to turn in a petition with more than 29,000 signatures.
According to this article, “Commenters
urged the government not to allow security contractors to perform
functions like ‘guard
services, convoy security services, pass and identification services,
plant protection services, the operation of prison or detention
facilities, and any security operations that might reasonably require
the use of deadly force.’
They also asked OFPP to prevent contractors from performing ‘support of intelligence activities
(including covert operations), interrogation, military and police
training, and the repair and maintenance of weapon systems.’
- The Small Business Administration (SBA) wrote that it was concerned about the impact of the proposed
rule(s) on small businesses. The SBA stated, “The net result of this
policy should not be a reduction in the percentage of contracts awarded
to small businesses.”
- The Council of Defense and Space Industry
Associations (CODSIA) stated that it was generally supportive of the
rule. However, CODSIA stated, “We are particularly concerned that the underlying adversarial
tone of the proposed policy is one which calls for the government to be
vigilant in order to guard against contractor attempts to overtake
portions of the government‘s mission. We find this language to be
counter-productive and would suggest that this proposed policy contain
explicit language emphasizing the government/industry partnership,
particularly for functions that are not inherently governmental, and our
mutual interest in conducting the public‘s business in as cost
effective a manner as possible.”
This is kind of a big deal, because
many contractors generate a large portion of their sales from providing
services to the Federal government. For the past 15 years or so, policy
in this area has been based on the notion that “privatizing” government
operations will lead to operational efficiencies and commensurate cost
reductions. Some critics have charged that the trend toward
privatization went too far, such that the government lost critical
skills and knowhow. The Obama Administration has expressed its interest
in reversing that trend, and has introduced the concept of “insourcing.”
We don’t necessarily have a dog in
this hunt, but we do note two interesting studies that would seem to
bear on the situation. First, in this previous
article we discussed a recent GAO study that
compared use by the State Department of private contractors versus
government employees to provide security services. The GAO study
concluded that using government employees was more than 10 times more
expensive than using contractor personnel on
three of four contract scenarios it evaluated. (In the fourth scenario,
the savings was much less, but it was still there.) In the upcoming
era of tight Federal budgets, one ignores that kind of math at one’s own
peril.
Second, we also reported on a recent blog post by Dr. Loren Thompson of the Lexington
Institute, in which he expressed a “contrarian” viewpoint regarding
commonly held acquisition reform myths. We wrote—
Adding more acquisition, audit, and program
management professionals to DoD’s ranks won’t solve the myriad problems with the Pentagon’s
acquisition process, but it will compound the problem. We are all familiar with the lack of
Government resources in this area, and the current reliance on
contractors to augment short-staffed contracting offices. But Dr. Thompson notes that those new
heads will take additional funds—not just to cover the costs of salary
and benefits, but also to cover the costs of training, equipping,
housing and supporting them.
As Dr. Thompson notes, ‘When you add up all these costs, the long-term
burden of taking on 20,000 new acquisition professionals will be over
$80 billion -- which just happens to be the projected cost of buying a
replacement for the Trident ballistic-missile sub.’
In other words, “insourcing” might make for great press and keep certain interests happy,
but it also carries with it tremendous budgetary impact, as well as a
potential impact to many current Federal contractors.
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