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Camp Arifjan, Kuwait—Another Den of Iniquity?

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When we wrote about Bagram Airfield, located in Afghanistan, we asked rhetorically, “Is Bagram just another military base, with the number of corrupt fraudsters simply in proportion to its overall population? Or is it something more—perhaps a poster child for failed leadership and ineffective oversight and missing controls.”  Those were some harsh words, perhaps—but we were upset from the sheer quantity of stories of corruption emanating from the Army Airbase.  Now we are hearing about a place that sounds even more corrupt, and home to even more pernicious perfidy, than Bagram.

And what’s more, this place isn’t located in the direct line of fire.  Sure, it supports the warfighters, but it’s located far behind the front-lines, far away from mortars and suicide sappers. 

We’re talking about Camp Arifjan, Kuwait.

Wikipedia has this to say about Camp Arifjan—

Camp Arifjan is an Army installation located in the State of Kuwait which accommodates elements of the US Air Force, US Navy, US Marine Corps and US Coast Guard.  The camp was funded and built by the government of Kuwait. … Camp Arifjan is a US military installation utilized as a forward logistics base, Aviation Classification and Repair Activity Depot (Task Force AVCRAD) for the entire Southwest Asian Theater (through Patton Army Air Field), helicopter ground support base, and as a motor pool for armored and unarmored vehicles.

An “insider’s view” of life at the Camp reports the following—

Camp Arifjan is a wierd place, and sort of a mixture between busy military installation, hip university campus, grimy industrial park, and stark correctional facility. Nevertheless, the quality of life is surprisingly good. The Morale, Welfare, and Recreation (MWR) facilities rival those of many stateside installations. There are two large PXs, several fast food places, two nice recreational centers, a state-of-the-art gym, and even a wood crafts shop. Nearly all indoor facilities have air conditioning. There's a large outdoor pool and several athletic fields. The quality of the food and service at the three dining facilities is exceptional. Bottled water (and even Gatorade) is readily available. … Your work environment will vary greatly on your section's "likership" and mission requirements. Some work standard duty day hours, while others maintain 24-hour operations in shift. As with any workplace, some work hard for big results, while a few work little for little results, and still others work hard for no results. The near-constant rotation of individual replacements from all service components and backgrounds ensures a perpetual state of institutionalized uncertainty.

Moreover, the author describes the Arifjan nightlife as “vibrant” but offers no specifics.

So much for background.  Let’s move on to another point of view—that of the Department of Justice, who reported on August 11, 2010, that Wajdi Birjas, age 39, of Evansville, Indiana, had pleaded guilty to “conspiracy to bribe U.S. Army contracting officials stationed at Camp Arifjan” as well as to money laundering conspiracy.  The DOJ reported that—

The charge of bribery conspiracy carries a maximum prison sentence of five years and a $250,000 fine. The money laundering conspiracy charge carries a maximum prison sentence of 20 years and a $250,000 fine. Under the plea agreement, Birjas agreed to forfeit $675,000 to the government.

So if Mr. Birjas gets the maximum sentence (which is doubtful) he’ll be released when he’s 64 years old. What did he do?  The DOJ stated that he was a “contract employee at the Host Nation Affairs office,” where he was responsible for “identifying Kuwaiti companies able to provide certain goods and services to the U.S. military in Kuwait.”  While assigned to Camp Arifjan—

… Birjas, acting at the direction of a contractor working in Kuwait, developed corrupt relationships with certain Army contracting officials, including Christopher Murray, James Momon and a sergeant first class deployed to Camp Arifjan as a senior procurement non-commissioned officer (NCO.) By bribing these Army contracting officials … the contractor ultimately received a total of more than $1.7 million in connection with contracts to provide various goods and services to the U.S. military. In exchange for his assistance in the bribery scheme, Birjas received a share of the profits that the contracts generated and was allowed to live rent-free in a villa that contained a hidden safe.

Court documents indicate that Birjas paid Murray approximately $10,000; paid the senior procurement NCO approximately $14,000; and paid the airplane and hotel expenses of a co-conspirator and Momon to celebrate New Year’s eve in Dubai, United Arab Emirates. According to the court documents, Birjas also allowed Momon to hide hundreds of thousands of dollars worth of his bribe money in Birjas’s safe.

Birjas admitted that he agreed to arrange for $250,000 of Momon’s bribe money to be transferred from Kuwait to the United States, after Momon had returned to the United States at the end of his tour. Birjas admitted to working out this agreement with the third Army officer and one of his associates, a former master sergeant in the Army who operated a concession to sell clothing at U.S. military bases in Kuwait. According to court documents, Birjas delivered approximately $85,000 worth of Momon’s bribe money to the former master sergeant for ultimate delivery to Momon.

But that’s not all. If that were all to the story, we’d simply shrug and get back to bashing DCAA audit guidance.  The DOJ added this little gem toward the end of the press release—

The case against Birjas arose out of an investigation into corruption at the Kuwait contracting office at Camp Arifjan, which has led to charges against 14 individuals. Of those 14 defendants, 12 have pleaded guilty to their crimes, with some are already serving prison sentences. For example, on Dec. 2, 2009, former U.S. Army Major John Cockerham was sentenced to 210 months in prison and ordered to pay $9.6 million in restitution. On Dec. 17, 2009, Murray was sentenced to 57 months in prison and ordered to pay $245,000 in restitution. On Aug. 13, 2008, Momon pleaded guilty to receiving approximately $1.6 million in bribes and agreed to pay $5.7 million in restitution. On Feb. 18, 2010, Army contractor Terry Hall pleaded guilty to bribery conspiracy and money laundering conspiracy and agreed to forfeit $15.7 million to the U.S. government in connection with his payment of more than $3 million in bribes to Cockerham, Momon, Murray and former Army Major Eddie Pressley. The case against Hall’s co-defendants, Eddie Pressley and Eurica Pressley, is scheduled for trial on Nov. 29, 2010, in Decatur, Ala.

14 corrupt U.S. Army contracting officials at one single base?  Is this a joke?

We griped about lax oversight and ineffective controls in the article on Bagram.  When we wrote about Captain Mike—who did everything he could to get caught, but who would have gotten away with his crimes but for those meddling kids his neighbors who reported him to the IRS—we bemoaned the failed command environment and asked whether his commanding officer was disciplined for negligence.  (Apparently, Captain Mike’s CO kept a safe with about a million dollars in it and never checked to see how much was still there, even after Captain Mike rotated back to the States.)  But we never imagined a military base so corrupt that 14 individuals “who were regularly receiving unlawful payments” could operate for so long without getting caught.

Camp Arifjan may just have set the bar—at a new low—for government contract-related corruption.

Which is emphatically not a good thing.



 

DOD Officials Defend DCAA

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DCAA has received perhaps more than its fair share of criticism over the past couple of years.  We have even doled out some of the criticism ourselves.  In November, 2009, Patrick Fitzgerald replaced April Stephenson as Director of the Defense Contract Audit Agency, and many of us hoped the new leadership would guide the agency away from the problems caused by its truculent attitude.  But Mr. Fitzgerald has yet to create any substantive reforms, and recent audit guidance gives little—if any—reason for optimism that DCAA is going to rejoin the ranks of the Defense acquisition corps as a valued (and value-added) member. 

Various commenters have questioned the audit agency’s commitment to change.  In this article, we reported on a blog post from POGO in which the author thought the auditors were playing too nice with the Defense Contract Management Agency (DCMA).  He wrote—

But on the other hand—and I think this is probably the case—this memo demonstrates another instance where DCAA's independent audit findings may be undermined. The memo states that auditors and contracting officers should work together to ‘resolve’ audit issues and emphasized that even when differences occur, DCMA and DCAA should strive to work the issues within the respective organizations. This memo gives the impression that audit findings are something to be ‘resolved’ between the two organizations rather than audit findings to be acted upon by the contracting officer. And to the degree that this is the case, or that this memo confuses the independent role of DCAA, the Director of DCAA should consider withdrawing the memo.

In another article, we reported that the same gadfly group (POGO) had sent a letter to influential senators in March, 2010, telling them that—

We worry that these problems are indicative of a systemic strategy for reform that seeks to decrease congressional pressure rather than to institute meaningful reform. More importantly, we think that it would be naïve to assume that removing April Stephenson from DCAA solves the systemic problems at DCAA.

Perhaps becoming a bit impatient with the lack of substantive reform, Congress weighed-in, proposing legislation (H.R. 5013) that would mandate reforms to the agency—reforms that the agency seems reluctant to make.

The foregoing provides some context for a “viewpoint” posted on FederalTimes.com, written by Robert Hale (Undersecretary of Defense, Comptroller) and Mr. Fitzgerald.  The piece, entitled “DCAA Working to Improve Audit Quality, Management,” recapped the progress made in reforming the admittedly “tarnished” audit agency.  The progressive actions that have been taken are nothing new to anybody who reads our articles and, in fact, tend to mask the agency’s continued failure to address its withdrawal from—and, indeed, active attempts to sabotage—the Defense acquisition system in the name of “independence” and compliance with generally accepted government auditing standards. 

Suffice to say, we were not impressed.

Nor were the few commenters who posted their thoughts.  One comment, posted on the POGO site, had this to say—

These must be the only two people in DoD that think DCAA is on the right track! The audits need to be timely, e.g. issued before the need no longer exists, to be meaningful. Please if there is anyone out there that is receiving timely reports fro DCAA, please post the info here so we can share in their glory. I suggest Mr.Hale and Mr. Fizgerald share some success stories concerning timely reports, I bet there aren't many to share. Just how many reports has DCAA issued this FY in total? I hear auditors spend most of there time waiting for their reports to be issued. None of the auditors I've spoken with consider themsevles busy, most would wlecome more work if the resulting reports would be issued.

We deplore the grammar and spelling, yet sympathize with the sentiments expressed.



 

Departing Air Force General Calls for Fundamental Changes to DOD Acquisition Processes on His Way Out

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We’re sure it’s merely coincidence, but on his last day of active duty with the USAF, Lt. General Dave Deptula spoke his mind about the need for fundamental changes to the DOD’s acquisition processes.  This article from the Online Defense and Acquisition Journal blog (“DoD Buzz”) reports on General Deptula’s last official press conference as an Air Force officer, in which he talked about his “personal views” on the need to get new weapon systems developed, tested, and fielded faster.  According to the article—

During a recent meeting with his staff during a meeting to discuss Remotely Piloted Vehicle capabilities, Deptula asked them when a program might make it to Initial Operational Capability if they started work on right away, they told him it would take until 2020 ….


What’s the problem?  According to the General Deptula—

The current Air Force acquisition system was born of the industrial age of warfare, not the current age. Instead of relying on that system, Deptula pointed to the Liberty program and the Big Safari office as examples the service ‘should adopt as the norm rather than the exception.’ Big Safari is an independent office that has helped develop Air Force RPVs since the early 1960s.


The DoD Buzz article reports that General Deptula was even more pointed in his criticism of DOD acquisition processes.

Deptula pointed to one of the most complex and disliked parts of the acquisition process — the Joint Capabilities Integration Development System (JCIDS) — and gently ridiculed it, noting that ‘Al Qaeda doesn’t have a JCIDS process.’


What is JCIDS?  According to the DOD, the JCIDS process—

… was created to support the statutory responsibility of the JROC to validate joint warfighting requirements. JCIDS is also a key supporting process for DOD acquisition and Planning, Programming, Budgeting, and Execution (PPBE) processes. The primary objective of the JCIDS process is to ensure the capabilities required by the joint warfighter are identified with their associated operational performance criteria in order to successfully execute the missions assigned. This is done through an open process that provides the JROC the information they need to make decisions on required capabilities. The JCIDS process supports the acquisition process by identifying and assessing capability needs and associated performance criteria to be used as a basis for acquiring the right capabilities, including the right systems. These capability needs then serve as the basis for the development and production of systems to fill those needs. Additionally, it provides the PPBE process with affordability advice by assessing the development and production lifecycle cost.


Did you get all that?  If not, here’s a link to the office JCIDS Manual.  And here’s a link to a Wikipedia article that uses more understandable terminology. 

General Deptula is not the first military leader to call for reform to an overly complex and lengthy process.  In May 2010, National Defense magazine carried an article entitled, “Without Radical Change, Many More Defense Programs Will End Up Like JSF,” written by Sandra Erwin.  Ms. Erwin explored “how to stop more programs from ending up like JSF,” with its “soaring costs and schedule slips.” 

We’ve written about the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter program before, notably here and here.  But Ms. Erwin was not writing about the F-35; she was writing about the “fatal flaw” in the Defense acquisition system that needs to be fixed.  As she wrote—

The Defense Department and Congress this past year unleashed an avalanche of new reforms … But all these attempts at overhauling a broken system continue to conveniently ignore a fatal flaw in the weapons acquisition process: It is hopelessly slow and unresponsive to the military’s rapidly changing needs.

Because it takes years or even decades to bring a weapon system to fruition, it gets redesigned so much that invariably it results in sticker shock.  Every change, no matter how small, runs up a huge tab.  When a program spans 10 to 12 years, and hundreds of modifications are made … it is no surprise that costs spin out of control.

It is no surprise we agree with Ms. Erwin’s thoughts, and have written as much (for example, this article exploring why DOD’s Missile Defense Agency can’t manage its programs.)  But the problem isn’t necessary change control; the problem is the process that embeds a nearly unmanageable volume of changes into its very fabric.  The problem is a DOD JCIDS process that “deliberately emphasizes analysis and risk avoidance at the expense of speed”—to quote Colonel Timothy Chyma (as Ms. Erwin did).  Ms. Erwin also quotes an anonymous “senior Air Force official” as saying, “We’ll be dealing with the same issues as long as we have the same JCIDS process.”

We are in the midst of seeing enormous amounts of energy poured into addressing “efficiency” and “affordability” initiatives by the Pentagon and its contractor industrial base.  (See one of our many articles on that topic here.)  We urge the Pentagon to take a long, hard look at its JCIDS process—because if that process is significantly reformed, then it will increase both Pentagon decision-making efficiency and weapon system affordability. 

Two birds with one stone.  We like that kind of approach.


 

Contractors Pay Penalties for Kickbacks

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We’ve written about kickbacks before.  We did a quick search of the site’s news archive, and found eight articles dealing with kickbacks, including this article that discusses (in some depth) the FAR prohibition on accepting kickbacks (found at § 3.502), in the context of allegations that employees of KBR accepted “unlawful kickbacks in the form of meals, drinks, tickets to sports events and golf outings” as well as this one, discussing EMC’s $87.5 million False Claims Act settlement, related to inaccurate disclosure of commercial pricing practices and an “illegal kickback scheme” related to its contract with the General Services Administration (GSA).  We’ve got kickbacks covered.

Another large, well-known company was recently in the news, related to a settlement with the Department of Justice over practices related to its GSA schedule contracts.  That company was Hewlett-Packard, one of the largest (if not in fact the single largest) technology company in the America.  HP, who coincidentally saw its CEO resign for inappropriate conduct in the same week, reportedly settled with DOJ for a figure in the $47 - $50 million range.

Details of the allegations and settlement are sketchy.  Perhaps the best report we have been able to find is here, at the Financial Times.  According to the FT story—

The justice department eventually intervened in a False Claims Act case brought by Normal Rille and Neal Roberts in federal court in Arkansas.  Their suit said that HP paid a list of systems integrators millions of dollars in ‘influencer fees’ if they successfully put HP products forward in government deals. The integrators had an obligation to act in the government’s best interest but did not, the suit said.

The number one computer maker also gave ‘New Business Opportunity’ payments when it was included as a subcontractor on government contracts. Those payments were not intended to be passed on to the government agency, and the same products could have been obtained with volume pricing deals that would have reduced the payments, according to the suit.

Both types of payments met the definition of kickbacks in federal laws designed to stop overcharging, the suit said.

A dozen other technology companies were implicated in the case as well.

According to the FT story, HP denies the allegations, but believed that settling with the DOJ was in the best interests of its shareholders.  (It often is.)  Nonetheless, HP took a $0.02/share hit to earnings in its Q3 results.

In completely unrelated news, here’s an article from the Tri-Cities area near Hanford, Washington—home of one of the nation’s largest active nuclear waste clean-up efforts.  According to the article, Greg Detloff has been charged with 27 counts of wire fraud, one count of conspiracy, and one count of witness tampering.  The article states that the wire fraud counts are related to “federal credit card fraud.”  Each of the 29 charges is punishable by 20 years in prison and a $250,000 fine.  So we’re talking about 580 years in prison and $5 million in fines, should Mr. Detloff be found guilty.  That could set one’s vacation plans back quite a bit.

Mr. Detloff has pleaded not guilty to the charges.  But what did he do to merit such attention from the Feds?

The article states that, while employed as a material coordinator by two Hanford contractors (Fluor Hanford and CH2M Hill Hanford Group), Mr. Detloff is alleged to have conspired with Martin Perez, who was employed as a salesman by Kennewick Industrial and Electrical Supply (KIE).  They (allegedly) agreed that Detloff, acting for the contractor(s), would purchase “supplies and materials” from KIE—if KIE agreed to order those supplies from Detloff Industries—which was a company owned by his wife and operated out of the family home.

The article reports that Perez received a 3.5 percent commission on orders placed by Detloff, and the Detloffs received their net profit from all materials and supplies sold by Detloff Industries through KIE.”  Even though Detloff Industries was an approved Hanford supplier, and even though there have been no allegations that prices paid by the contractors (and ultimately the Department of Energy) were higher than they otherwise would have been, the relationship (allegedly) created a clear conflict of interest.

According to the article, “The case against Detloff and Perez was one of three cases alleging fraud in Hanford purchases filed this spring in federal court. Defendants have pleaded innocent and the first case could go to trial as soon as September.”

This article from May, 2010, provides some details on the other alleged fraudsters.  First, it notes that Detloff (allegedly) used a corporate credit card to make the purchases from KIE, so that’s where the federal credit card fraud charges come from.  The article also reports that—

In a second indictment, federal prosecutors filed wire fraud charges against Suzie Zuniga, who held a job similar to Detloff’s while working for Fluor Hanford.  The same indictment includes charges against Tommy L. Honeycutt Jr., a former pipe fitter for a Hanford company; and Pedro Alvarado Jr., a former driver.  The indictment said that between 2004 and 2008, Zuniga used a company card issued to her by Fluor Hanford to authorize purchases that totaled almost $560,000.  It alleges Zuniga, Honeycutt and Alvarado prepared phony invoices for purchases of supplies or materials from a number of vendors approved for Hanford’s Plutonium Finishing Plant.

In addition, the article reports that—

… federal prosecutors filed fraud charges against … Paul F. Kempf and his wife, Anita M. Gust, alleging the couple bilked two Hanford contractors out of roughly $500,000 through unauthorized purchases. The charges allege Kempf, a former manager at Fluor Hanford and then at CH2M Hill Hanford, and Gust used phony product orders to obtain personal items or cover personal expenses from 2001 to 2005.

These stories are not necessarily related in an obvious way.  HP allegedly paid kickbacks in order to have its products recommended for Government purchase, and the Hanford miscreants allegedly participated in more prosaic, blue-collar types of purchasing fraud.  Yet all the stories point to a need to establish internal controls over the acquisition function—whether it be sell-side “business development” or buy-side “purchasing/supply chain management”.  And once those controls are in place, an independent compliance function needs to periodically probe for violations.

Post-Script

After we sent our article to press (well, to the webmaster) details emerged regarding the transgressions that led to the resignation of Hewlett-Packard’s CEO, Mr. Mark Hurd.  Although we noted Mr. Hurd’s resignation in passing—saying “HP, who coincidentally saw its CEO resign for inappropriate conduct in the same week, reportedly settled with DOJ for a figure in the $47 - $50 million range”—it turns out that the transgressions may not have been so coincidental after all.  We were writing about (alleged) procurement fraud at the Hanford nuclear waste site, which involved (among other things) fraudulent purchase orders, expense reports, and credit card activities.  Turns out Mr. Hurd would fit right in with our “blue-collar” (alleged) miscreants.

According to this article (one of many we could have linked to), Mr. Hurd was exonerated of the sexual harassment charges of which he was accused.  But the investigation revealed several instances of falsified expense reports regarding his “management consultant.”  We’ll let the Wall Street Journal take it from here—

Mr. Hurd was forced to resign last week, ostensibly for filing false expense reports amounting to about $20,000. H-P deemed this sum ‘not material,’ which is beside the point. Anything related to Mr. Hurd's departure is plainly material, since on Monday the news shaved $8.7 billion off H-P's market value. … Apart from the expense-report issues, exactly what services was Ms. Fisher performing for H-P? The company said she was an outside marketing consultant, and its general counsel indicated she may not have provided all the services she contracted for. But what were those services, and what were Ms. Fisher's qualifications? Her resume doesn't include an M.B.A., to put it mildly, although it appears she did work in real estate and in sales for Xerox in addition to her movie work and appearance on NBC's ‘Age of Love.’ Supposedly she was a glorified hostess at H-P sales events, making sure big clients got face time with Mr. Hurd. Who hired her and why, based on what qualifications?

Nice.  Notice that what’s not said by the WSJ author in the foregoing speaks volumes about what may have really been going on.  Just to remind readers, we’ve covered the use (and misuse) of consultants before.  And we’ve discussed “tone at the top” before, as well.




 

TANKER UPDATE: Russians Submit Late Bid and a Protest

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When last we wrote about the problem-plagued USAF next-generation aerial refueling tanker acquisition, we told you that Ukrainian aircraft manufacturer Antonov would be submitting a bid in partnership with U.S. Aerospace.  Most observers thought little of the “dark-horse” team’s prospects.  Nonetheless, the Antonov/U.S. Aerospace team submitted a bid … and it arrived five minutes too late.  As this article reported—

According to an industry executive, a messenger carrying a bid from U.S. Aerospace arrived at the Wright-Patterson gate at about 1:30 p.m., 30 minutes before the deadline. ‘Air Force personnel intentionally denied the messenger entry to the base’ and later provided ‘incorrect directions,’ and forced the messenger to wait when he got turned around. The proposal was marked 2:05 p.m., but this executive says that the bid was under Air Force control prior to that time

Both EADS and Boeing submitted their competing bids on time.  Interestingly, the article noted that each of the other bidders’ proposals were “more than 8,000 pages in length.”

Because the Antonov bid was late, it was rejected by the US Air Force.  The article quotes the Pentagon’s press secretary as saying, ““The proposal was late and by law we are not allowed to consider it.  We are considering two proposals and U.S. Aerospace is not one of those being considered.”  Moreover, the spokesperson said—

Those deadlines count.  They mean something. They are there for a reason and any professional contractor knows that. This is a $30-40 billion bid.  This is not a high school homework assignment. Deadlines count here.

The Antonov/U.S. Aerospace team promptly filed a protest on August 2, 2010, with the Government Accountability Office (GAO).   They claimed the Air Force’s actions were unreasonable and that personnel at Wright Patterson AFB discriminated against their bid.  Do they have a case?  Let’s look.

FAR 15.208 has this to say about the treatment of late proposals –

(a) Offerors are responsible for submitting proposals, and any revisions, and modifications, so as to reach the Government office designated in the solicitation by the time specified in the solicitation. …

(b)(1) Any proposal, modification, or revision, that is received at the designated Government office after the exact time specified for receipt of proposals is ‘late’ and will not be considered unless it is received before award is made, the contracting officer determines that accepting the late proposal would not unduly delay the acquisition; and—

(i) If it was transmitted through an electronic commerce method authorized by the solicitation, it was received at the initial point of entry to the Government infrastructure not later than 5:00 p.m. one working day prior to the date specified for receipt of proposals; or

(ii) There is acceptable evidence to establish that it was received at the Government installation designated for receipt of proposals and was under the Government’s control prior to the time set for receipt of proposals; or

(iii) It was the only proposal received.

(2) However, a late modification of an otherwise successful proposal, that makes its terms more favorable to the Government, will be considered at any time it is received and may be accepted.

(c) Acceptable evidence to establish the time of receipt at the Government installation includes the time/date stamp of that installation on the proposal wrapper, other documentary evidence of receipt maintained by the installation, or oral testimony or statements of Government personnel.

So, to prevail in its protest the Antonov/U.S. Aerospace team must prove that its proposal was received “at the Government installation designated for receipt of proposals and was under the Government’s control” before the due date of 2:00 PM.  Otherwise, its protest likely will not be sustained.

But regardless of the protest outcome, it strikes us as disadvantageous to the Government to ignore a proposal received a mere 5 minutes after the deadline.  Certainly, nobody has hinted that there was some competitive advantage that accrued to the late bid in that five minute period.  Given the troubled history of this procurement, we would expect some flexibility to be shown where the other bidders would not be prejudiced and the taxpayers might get their tankers for less money.

On the other hand, such tardiness does reek of amateur hour, doesn’t it?  How does the Antonov/U.S. Aerospace team expect to build 100 aerial tankers on time and on budget, when it can’t even get its proposal to the USAF evaluators on time?



 


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Newsflash

Effective January 1, 2019, Nick Sanders has been named as Editor of two reference books published by LexisNexis. The first book is Matthew Bender’s Accounting for Government Contracts: The Federal Acquisition Regulation. The second book is Matthew Bender’s Accounting for Government Contracts: The Cost Accounting Standards. Nick replaces Darrell Oyer, who has edited those books for many years.