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Apogee Consulting Inc

Proposed DFARS Rule Requires Additional IR&D Reporting

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We can’t pretend we were surprised to see this one hit the Federal Register.

Way back in September 2010, we noted that Under Secretary of Defense (AT&L) Dr. Ashton Carter published 23 “principal actions” he planned to take to drive “affordability” into defense programs, and among those 23 actions was to increase DOD’s focus on contractor Independent Research and Development (IR&D or IRAD) spending so as “to improve the return on IRAD investments for industry and government.”

At the time, we were concerned that the foregoing was code for “micromanage and reduce contractors’ IR&D spending” though several colleagues thought we might be overreacting. Were we? You be the judge.

On March 2, 2011, the Federal Register published a proposed revision to the supplemental DFARS cost principles, that proposed to recreate the alleged “loss of linkage between funding and technological purpose” by requiring contractors with more than $50,000 in annual IR&D spending to report information to the Defense Technical Information Center. As the proposed rule states—

The reporting requirements, as mandated by 10 U.S.C. 2372, will provide in-process information from DoD-sponsored IR&D projects to increase effectiveness by providing visibility into the technical content of industry IR&D activities to meet DoD needs and promote the technical prowess of the industry. Without the collection of this information, DoD will be unable to maximize the value of the IR&D funds the Department disburses without infringing on the independence of contractors to choose which technologies to pursue in IR&D programs.

The proposed rule would revise DFARS supplemental cost principle 231.205-18 to read—

For a contractor's annual IR&D costs in excess of $50,000 to be allowable, the IR&D projects generating the costs must be reported to the Defense Technical Information Center (DTIC) using the DTIC's on-line input form and instructions. The inputs must be updated at least annually and when the project is completed. Copies of the input and updates must be made available for review by the cognizant administrative contracting officer (ACO) and the cognizant Defense Contract Audit Agency auditor to support the allowability of the costs.

So contractors with more than $50,000 in annual IR&D costs may see those costs disallowed unless they provide DTIC with the required information at least once per year.

Looking at the cited statute, which allegedly enables the regulatory revision, we see a couple of interesting things.

First, we see the following—

(b) Costs Allowable as Indirect Expenses. - The regulations prescribed pursuant to subsection (a) shall provide that independent research and development and bid and proposal costs shall be allowable as indirect expenses on covered contracts to the extent that those costs are allocable, reasonable, and not otherwise unallowable by law or under the Federal Acquisition Regulation.

So the first thing we see is that the proposed regulation is establishing allowability criteria that are not sanctioned by the statute. Quite the contrary, in fact, since the statute expressly requires that allowability be established through determining (a) allocability, (b) reasonableness, and (c) compliance with the provisions of FAR cost principles.

That said, we also note that the statute does permit the Secretary of Defense to limit IR&D reimbursement by the DOD “to work which the Secretary of Defense determines is of potential interest to the Department of Defense.” In addition, the statute requires the Secretary of Defense to promulgate regulations that implement “regular methods of transmission … of information regarding progress by the contractor on the contractor's independent research and development programs.”

So to sum up, our point of view is that the statute permits (or requires) the Secretary of Defense to obtain contractor IR&D information “in a reasonable manner.” But the statute does not permit the DOD to make a contractor’s IR&D expenditures unallowable if it fails to comply.

As always, you can submit your comments to the DAR Council. The proposed rule (link above) explains how.

 

Thank You to Our Readership

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Just over two years ago we tried an experiment: a blog dedicated to government accounting and contracting issues. We looked for issues relevant to the aerospace and defense industry, focusing on oversight and controls, with a leavening of space and technology issues. Frankly, it was a gamble. We weren’t sure of anything at the time.

We weren’t sure anybody would read the articles, or care about the content. We weren’t sure if we could attract a readership. We weren’t sure we could find sufficient content to generate articles. We weren’t sure that we could actually publish articles on the internet, that we could muster the technical skills to post articles and link to other sites. (It’s not our forte, actually.) And most of all, we were unsure we could find the time and the energy to write between 2,000 and 6,000 words a week.

But we did. We posted several articles per week over the past two years, and now we have about 350 individual articles in our news archive, representing a nice two-year history of regulatory changes affecting government contractors.

Another aspect of the gamble was the “branding” associated with the blog. There are a number of blogs out there in the blogosphere, and (in our view) only a few offer a point of view that questions the status quo and does so with supporting facts and figures. We were advised that our point of view could ruffle some feathers and negatively impact our brand in the marketplace. Maybe so. Maybe our ranting and hyperbole has turned-off some potential clients and cost us some business. But we figured that a government contracts-related blog without a point of view was simply a rehashing of the regulations—and who would want to read that?

If we couldn’t interest ourselves, how could we interest any potential readers?

So we developed a sharp tongue and a point of view that (we hope) dared to ask the questions we were all thinking—but that nobody was willing to ask publicly. We hope that we dared to grumble about the things we all grumbled about over a beer or behind closed doors—but that nobody was willing to grumble in public about. In short, we aspired to be brave enough to “speak truth to power” and we hoped our willingness to risk our principles and integrity would attract the kind of clientele we would want to work with.

And you know, it’s all worked out so far. The business side of the house is more than okay, and we have great clients and more work than we can fit into the blog schedule. So as far as we can tell, the gamble has paid off.

And our site readership has grown. In December, 2009, we started keeping statistics. In that first month, we had 68 visitors, 255 visits, and 791 page views of our site. In the month of February, 2011 (fifteen months later), we had 2,420 visitors, 3,012 visits, and 4,578 page views. Here’s a chart showing our growth:

So thank you, thank you all for caring enough about these arcane and often complex issues to keep coming back. We couldn’t or (more accurately, wouldn’t) do it without you.

And if this were an Academy Award acceptance speech we would also have to thank the Commission on Wartime Contracting, the Defense Contract Audit Agency, and the Defense Contract Management Agency. Not to mention Senator Claire McCaskill, the Project on Government Oversight, Robert Brodsky at Government Executive, and all the bureaucrats and regulation-drafters who keep us puzzled and frustrated enough to keep writing these articles.

 

Bribery, Kickbacks and the U.S. Navy

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In other articles on this website, we’ve pondered, albeit somewhat rhetorically, whether fraud is simply an endemic part of the public procurement process. We’ve inquired, in writing, whether bribery and conspiracy is “business as usual” in the defense industry. We’ve published article after article, Department of Justice link after link, and yet the stories keep coming at us like a tortious tsunami of wrongdoing. And so we keep publishing them in the (perhaps futile) hope that somebody, somewhere, is taking notes and designing controls to deter this type of malicious mischief in the public fisc.

Today’s story is no different that many others. The details are not quite the same; maybe the dollars are a bit bigger and the alleged actions more brazen—but this seems to us to be just another story in the hit parade of procurement fraud.

Today’s story concerns the U.S. Navy and a NAVSEA Program Manager/Senior Systems Engineer name Ralph Mariano, age 52, of Arlington, Virginia. The story also concerns Anjan Dutta-Gupta, 58, of Roswell, Ga., who is (or was) founder and President of Advanced Solutions for Tomorrow (ASFT). Each of these two individuals was recently charged with bribery, as Dutta-Gupta allegedly paid Mariano and “his relatives and friends” about $10 million in order to secure “millions of dollars” of Navy contracts for ASFT. Here’s a link to one of the early stories.

According to the Providence Journal story (link above)—

The payments come in the form of checks, cash and wires, and are funneled through ASFT’s subcontractors and Mariano’s relatives and friends,’ says an affidavit attached to the criminal complaint.

The affidavit says that business and banking records show that the alleged arrangement between Mariano, Dutta-Gupta and unnamed ASFT subcontractors had been going on since 1999.


The affidavit alleges that an unnamed cooperating witness, CW 1, has participated in the scheme with Mariano and Dutta-Gupta for more than a decade. The witness lives in Rhode Island and established an entity to launder the millions of dollars in kickbacks.

 

I have found no evidence to support a legitimate purpose for the payments to Mariano, and the majority of the payments to Mariano’s relatives and associates and to Dutta-Gupta’s entities were for services not performed,’ wrote Special Agent Patrick J. Hegarty, of the Defense Criminal Investigative Service.

 

The affidavit says that Mariano regularly sent CW 1 text messages and e-mails seeking weekly payments of $3,500.

 

Helpfully, the Providence Journal also provided a link to the formal criminal complaint.

What makes this story perhaps a tad different from most is the possible link between ASFT and the Congressional delegation from Rhode Island. The Providence Journal reported (in a separate story) that the individuals involved (as well as ASFT) “have been active backers of the Rhode Island congressional delegation’s election campaigns for at least nine years.” The legislators, for the most part, issued statements noting how upset they were with the actions of the two men, and supporting the law enforcement officials who were investigating the wrongdoing.

Further investigation by journalists revealed that some of the legislators had “earmarked” funds for ASFT. For example, this article by the Providence Journal reported that Rhode Island Senator Jack Reed had helped ASFT to “secure ‘earmarks’ for $9.15 million worth of submarine-related work over the past four years….” But the article also noted that Senator Reed had promised to give all campaign donations received from those two men, ASFT, and related individuals, to a charity.

In a sad turn of events, ASFT laid-off its entire staff on February 14 — nearly 100 in total. According to this story at the Boston Globe, the acting CEO of ASFT told the employees that “the company’s assets had been frozen and it could no longer operate.” The article also noted that the fallout from the scandal might reach beyond ASFT and its employees to other companies. It reported—


Economic Development Corp. Executive Director Keith Stokes said one area of concern was how the closure would affect companies in ASFT's supply chain, such as its janitorial firm or other subcontractors.

We don't want to see them penalized,’ he said.

So we wrap up this story saddened at the impact on the lives of innocent employees and hopefully a bit wiser for the lesson. We still wonder how much of this pile of scandal after scandal might have been avoided had better controls been put into place. But in any case, we hope that publicizing the true impacts of such egregious wrongdoing might deter future incidents.

 

 

DMCA Issues Guidance Re: DCAA Forward Pricing Rate Recommendations (FPRRs)

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Have you been following the messy trail left by Dr. Ashton Carter’s drive for “affordability” in defense programs? If you answered, “no” to that question, you must not have been reading our articles on the topic.

Let’s start here, in September 2010, wherein we reported that Dr. Carter (USD, AT&L) had issued a 17-page memo laying out Pentagon tactics to be used to drive down the cost of defense programs—which he asserted would lead to huge savings. In that article we reported that Dr. Carter directed that his DOD contracting officers—

Use Forward Pricing Rate Recommendations (FPRRs) in lieu of Forward Pricing Rate Agreements (FPRAs). In particular, ‘where DCAA has completed an audit of a particular contractor’s rates, DCMA shall adopt the DCAA recommended rates as the Department’s position with regard to those rates.’

We opined at the time that, “The substitution of DCAA audit findings for DCMA discretion and negotiation ability strikes us as a spectacularly bad idea….”

In January 2011, we followed-up with an article about Shay Assad’s Memo clarifying the roles and responsibilities of DCMA and DCAA. As part of the memo, Mr. Assad (Director, DPAP) told DOD contracting officers that—

In those cases where DCAA has completed an audit of a particular contractor’s rates, DCMA shall adopt the DCAA recommended rates as the Department’s FPRR position. … This policy supports the goal of better aligning the work of the two agencies by ensuring a single department rate position is provided to DCMA/DCAA customers at all times.

Naturally we had a problem with that direction. Although we grant you that DCAA recently changed its mission statement to acknowledge the de facto truth that the taxpayers of the United States of America are its ultimate customers, the practical reality is that those who issued audit requests to the audit agency are its real customers—chief among those the very same DOD contracting officers whom Mr. Assad was concerned may not have been fully aligned with DCAA’s “rate position”. Suffice to say, our view is that Mr. Assad’s direction that DCAA’s audit position “shall” be adopted by the cognizant DCMA Administrative Contracting Officer (ACO) as the official DOD position was (and still is) a cure in search of a disease.

We’re not the only ones who think that way either. If you check out this article on recent testimony before the Senate’s HSGA’s ad hoc Committee on Contracting Oversight, you’ll see that we pointed attention to testimony from Sandy Hoe, an Inside-the-Beltway government contracts attorney from the respected firm McKenna, Long & Aldridge (testifying on behalf of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce). Mr. Hoe testified that—

The January 4 DPAP memorandum indicates that contracting officers will apparently now issue final [Forward Pricing Recommended] rates as determined by DCAA without the contractor having the opportunity to demonstrate to the Administrative Contracting Officer (‘ACO’) why such rates may be unreasonable. Unless the contractor elects to contest the rates by submitting a claim under the Contract Disputes Act (‘CDA’), it will, at a minimum, lose the ability to recoup the lost amounts allocated to fixed price contracts based upon the DCAA-determined rates. This approach would be unfair to contractors and directly conflict with established regulatory law.

Moreover, in the Summer 2010 edition of the ABA’s Public Contract Law Journal, John Pachter (Partner, Smith Pachter McWhorter PLC) wrote an article entitled, “The Incredible Shrinking Contracting Officer.” In that article, asserted that—

A number of factors have emerged that tend to marginalize the Contracting Officer as other players occupy more of the stage and clamor for action. … Contracting Officers must confront the notion, expressed in various ways, that auditors’ advice is presumptively correct. Rather than being allowed to rely on the advice of auditors and then make a considered decision as the FAR contemplates, Contracting Officers now have the burden of justifying their decisions when they differ from those of auditors. The result is pressure on Contracting Officers to acquiesce in the recommendations of auditors. … Accordingly, the underlying message to Contracting Officers … is, ‘Go easy on yourself. You can avoid having to justify your decisions to higher authorities if you simply accept the auditor’s recommendations in the first place.’

(Internal footnotes omitted.)

With all that background in mind, we were very interested in a January memo from Ronald Youngs, Acting Executive Director, Contracts, DCMA, implementing Mr. Assad’s direction. The memo, entitled Information Memorandum 11-108, “Forward Pricing Rate Recommendations (INFORMATION),” can be found here. It said (in part)—

Effective immediately our policy regarding FPRR development is amended as follows.

  • When a contractor submits a FPRP, the ACO shall review the proposal as soon as possible and may issue a new FPRR. When developing the FPRR the ACO shall follow the FPRR documentation and internal review requirements set forth in paragraph 6 of the [DCMA] Forward Pricing Rates Instruction.

  • After issuing the FPRR, the ACO shall inform DCAA of any new information that may impact the rates or the FPRP audit.

  • Upon ACO receipt of the audit report, the DCAA recommended rates shall be reviewed by the ACO within 5 working days and the DCAA recommended rates shall be issued immediately thereafter as the Government’s recommended position.

  • If the FPRP contains unsupported costs, the ACO shall work with DCAA to obtain the required supporting data from the contractor. The ACO shall opine on any unsupported cost elements in the audit report and shall include that opinion in the FPRR memorandum that accompanies the issuance of the DCAA recommended rates.

Importantly, the memo also states—

In those rare circumstances when the ACO notes significant deficiencies in the audit report which render the report untenable, the ACO shall immediately contact DCAA to coordinate a revision to the recommended rates. If the issues cannot be resolved at the local level, the issues shall be elevated for a Contract Management Board of Review following the FPRR documentation and internal review requirements set forth in paragraph 6 of the Forward Pricing Rates Instruction.

That, dear readers, is what we in the business call “a loophole.” It provides an ACO with an option other than simply accepting DCAA’s audit results without question. Although long and painful, the Board of Review process may offer contractors a slight chance that their voice, calling attention to “deficiencies” in the DCAA audit report, might just be heard.

Sure, we agree with your objection(s) that: (1) it’s unlikely your ACO is going to relish the idea of disagreeing with DCAA and submitting that disagreement to a “Board of Review” for adjudication, (2) it’s unlikely that the “Board of Review” is going to want to approve a public disagreement with DCAA, and (3) it’s unlikely that Shay Assad and/or Pat Fitzgerald is going to accept that “Board of Review” adjudication, regardless of the merits of the decision. (Actually, it’s worse than that, since there will be multiple “Boards of Review” at various levels of the DCMA hierarchy.) So, yes, our “loophole” is more like the eye of a needle.

But it exists!

This situation reminds us of the Concordat of Bologna, that 1516 agreement between France’s King Francis I and Pope Leo X. As this online article explains—

In 1516 the Concordat of Bologna confirmed François I's right to make appointments to benefices, but gave the Pope the right to veto unqualified candidates and to collect a year's revenue from each post. Although this gave the Pope many rights, it gave the king more. The king of France had enormous powers to dispose of the Church's wealth and he could (and did) use the offices of bishops, abbots, etc. to provide sinecures for his faithful followers.  This also meant that lords of the church were usually quite worldly people, often quite unfit for their offices if spirituality or theological learning is considered a requirement. (The Pope's veto was hardly ever exercised.)

So think of DCAA as the French King, and DCMA as the Pope, and the “Board of Review” process as the Pope exercising his official right to veto unqualified appointments. Maybe we’re overreaching, but we see some resemblance.

But maybe there’s another, more ancient parallel to discuss. In A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, Volume 2, Sir William Smith wrote in 1891—

the king has no power to pardon; that pardon resides with the people, the ultimate sovereign. … though the provocatio existed in the regal period, yet the citizens have no standing right of appeal against the king like that secured by the Lex Valeria. The King Tullus Hostilius allows the appeal; and the fact that the appeal might not have been so allowed, and was a matter not of law but of constitutional usage, is shown by the similar freedom of the early dictatorship from the necessity of allowing the appeal. The limitations of the king’s power came here, as elsewhere, not from the force of law, but from the necessity of observing formalities once established.

(Internal citations omitted; emphasis in original.)

According to Sir William Smith, even though the Roman monarch permitted an appeal “from the necessity of observing formalities once established,” the last king “had broken through the constitutional usages of the monarchy”—which led inexorably to a revolution that established the Roman republic. Now we’re not saying that DOD is heading for a regime change … but we did note a parallel between the king allowing an appeal and the DCMA Boards of Review process.

Okay, our journey from ancient Rome to sixteenth century France to the 2011 bureaucratic proclamations of the Department of Defense is now complete. We hope you enjoyed the journey.

 

Combat Laser Pointers II

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combat_laser_pointer

What a combat laser pointer may look like. Source: B.E. Meyers.

 

Our very first, fumbling attempt to try a blog article on government contracting matters discussed the use of laser pointers in combat. In what we called a “great victory” the U.S. Army’s Rapid Fielding Initiative had provided green laser pointers (also known as “Visual Warning Technology” or VWT) to combat troops in Iraq. The laser pointers were used in checkpoint operations, to warn oncoming drivers to stop. We thought that was pretty cool.

In fact, it was so cool that—as we reported—the Canadian Defence National Forces had spent C$7.2 million to acquire 750 “VWT systems and ancillaries” (including the ability to operate the “pumped-up green laser pointers” remotely) for its troops in Iraq.

So far, so good. From PowerPoint presentations to check-point operations. It seemed to us that the DOD was doing a great job of adopting commercial technology for its troops in an effective and rapid manner.

But a recent article by FierceGovernmentIT caused us to rethink our initial euphoria. The article pointed a finger at the U.S. Marine Corps, and accused USMC leadership of failing their Marines by unnecessarily delaying acquisition of similar laser pointers.

According to the story, “an urgent need” by the Marine Corps for VWT (or what FierceGovernmentIT and the DOD Inspector General called “laser dazzlers”) “went unfulfilled for six months longer than necessary thanks mostly to disagreement over which laser dazzler to buy.” The article, citing a DOD Inspector General audit report, said that “the Marine Corps Combat Development Command took 15 months in total to respond to an urgent field request from the forward deployed Second Marine Expeditionary Force in Iraq for the dazzlers.”

Marines at checkpoints were relying on “smoke signals and flares” to warn civilians they were approaching a Marine position, and issued “an urgent request” for combat laser pointers to halt movement of potential threats without the need to fire on them. According to the FierceGovernmentIT story—


The [Marine Corps] development command initially responded briskly to an urgent request for dazzlers filed by June 9, 2005 by the commanding general of the Second [Marine Expeditionary Force] MEF. But, when a force rotation replaced the Second MEF with the First MEF, the command deferred further processing of the request because the commanding general of the new forward deployed MEF disagreed with the choice of dazzler, the [DOD IG] report says.

 

The new commanding general preferred a dazzler that lacked a favorable positive safety recommendation--and, when the Marine Corps Requirements Oversight Council approved a contract for the originally selected dazzler in September 2006, the First MEF commanding general reacted by buying 28 of the non-approved dazzlers anyway for $323,324. Those dazzlers were never fielded, the report adds.

The DOD IG report (link above) found problems with oversight of the urgent needs fulfillment process and some significant administrative delays.

With respect to the issue(s) summarized by FierceGovernmentIT, the DOD IG found that, ”Nine days after MARCORSYSCOM awarded the contract for 400 GBD-IIIC lasers, I MEF (Forward) purchased 28 [Compact High Power Laser Dazzlers] CHPLDs.” The DOD IG recommended that “the Commandant of the Marine Corps perform a review of the circumstances that led to the purchase of the 28 unapproved lasers and, if appropriate, initiate administrative action.” That said, the IG “did not find any evidence of criminal negligence in Marine Corps processing” of the initial urgent request for laser pointers. According to the IG report—

The Deputy Commandant for Combat Development and Integration responded for the Commandant of the Marine Corps. The Deputy Commandant agreed with the recommendation and stated that the Marine Corps will review the circumstances relating to the purchase of the 28 Compact High Power Laser Dazzlers.

We have previously reported on Defense Science Board findings that DOD bureaucracy impeded effective acquisition of materiel and services needed by warfighters. The DSB told Secretary of Defense Gates that “Current long standing [DOD] business practices and regulations are poorly suited" to the “dynamics of a rapidly shifting threat environment."

In addition, we have also described the procurement problems at the National Archives and Records Administration (NARA), who took six months to acquire $121,000 in needed IT network equipment, first going through the General Services Administration and then conducting a “best value” source selection—only to finally go back to the original source that was always going to provide the equipment anyway, and paying that source the appropriate market rate. Meanwhile, during that six month period of flailing about—

About a third of all National Archives and Records Administration personnel have lost regular access to email [and] personnel within NARA's office of general counsel have lost email service for at least a full day and senior management, including officials in the office of the archivist, have had diminished access,

So we can’t really say we’re surprised by the USMC failures described by the DOD Inspector General and reported by FierceGovernmentIT. But it saddens us that Marines in the field, risking their lives in service to this country, weren’t better served by their leadership and by the acquisition teams that support them. We hope all affected parties will do better—much better—next time.

 


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Newsflash

Effective January 1, 2019, Nick Sanders has been named as Editor of two reference books published by LexisNexis. The first book is Matthew Bender’s Accounting for Government Contracts: The Federal Acquisition Regulation. The second book is Matthew Bender’s Accounting for Government Contracts: The Cost Accounting Standards. Nick replaces Darrell Oyer, who has edited those books for many years.